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The recent strong public reaction of a key US ally in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia, to what the Kingdom believes is weak and erroneous US policy in the region, suggests that the upheavals of the "Arab Spring" since 2011 have not ended, and that major diplomatic turmoil may be in the offering, if the Obama administration does not take heed of the Saudi warning.Disputes between the US and Saudi Arabia are nothing new. The Saudis have been very unhappy with US support for a democratic Iraq since 2003, as the democratic system shifted the political weight from that country's Sunni Arab minority to a coalition of Kurds and Shia Arabs. The Saudis view the new coalition as nothing more than agents of Iran. But what makes the current US-Saudi dispute more worrying for regional stability and secure energy lines is the repeated and open nature of the Saudi complaints, beginning with refusal to assume a UN Security Council seat, followed up by public scolding of the US by the current Saudi Intelligence Chief Prince Bandar bin Sultan and one of his influential predecessors. Such an open tone has not been seen in earlier Saudi disagreements with the US.What the Saudis are most concerned about is a perception that the US is weak and withdrawing from the region, as seen in the following US decisions: the withdrawals from Iraq and possibly now Afghanistan, "leading from behind" on Libya, refusal to back a US ally with Egypt's former president Hosni Mubarak, then cutting military assistance to the military government there, and, most dramatically, failing to follow through on a threat to use force in response to the use of chemical weapons in Syria.The Saudis see this as inviting the Russians and the Iranians to the table, and consider it a continuation of the weak US policy toward the Assad regime. They are also deeply suspicious of any negotiated solution of the nuclear file with the Iranians.They fear that US President Barack Obama's unwillingness to use force even when committed, as in the red line on the Iranian nuclear program, and international swooning over new Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and his "charm offensive," will leave Iran with at least the capability to produce nuclear weapons, and an enhanced political-military position in the region to the detriment of both the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and regional security.But most seriously, the Iranians just think, along with the Forbes magazine readers who selected Russian President Vladimir Putin, not Obama, as the world's most influential leader, that the US president is weak, will not use military force, and cannot be counted on to side with the Saudis and friends in a regional Sunni-Shia struggleThe Saudis are partially right. The US will not take sides in such a struggle any more than it chose between Muslims and Orthodox Christians in the Balkans in the 1990s. The US rewards and punishes specific bad behavior; aggression, oppression, terrorism and support for it, pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, not one or another faith or ethnic identity.But the Saudis certainly have a case about present US weakness. This is manifest in almost everything this administration is doing, in part because Obama is apparently uncertain himself about the key US historic role in international security. But, here, he is wrong, as the US has an important unique role to play. US hard power - military strength, economic health, energy resources, financial dominance - all remain important. Thus the US can shift policies overnight to play once again a more traditional "balance of power" role. As the Middle East becomes more chaotic without such a role, as the Saudis, Israelis, Turks, and other US partners increase criticism of US ambivalence and weakness, so will the pressure on Obama to change his policies toward more Middle East engagement.Even if he does not change his policy under this pressure, the next president certainly will. Until that time, relations with Saudi Arabia and other regional states will languish. The author is the Philip Solondz Distinguished Visiting Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near Eastern Policy, former deputy national security advisor and ambassador to Iraq, Turkey, and Albania. mulberry bags | mulberry bags sale mulberry bags outlet mulberry bags mulberry bags sale Besides height, the reason scouts say Wallace was never handed a starting job was indecision and lack of patience in the pocket together with average overall accuracy. http://www.hospitalitystaff.com/news.html
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